Sunday, 10 March 2013

My Central Sun


I breath in your hair oh my beloved thought
I stare to the far north..hoping to catch a glimpse of your tiny spectacle
I look up to the sky, hoping to see you sitting at the pedestal to thee I have accorded
I hold out my hand and imagine mine clasping yours
I look up to the trees and imagine the magnificence of your look
I chose to believe that someday shall it be
I refuse to let the idea of perfection slid through the narrow perception of far-city
I think of you, I dream of you, I'm inspired by you, I believe in you.

I reflect and curse the tongue that us separates
I refuse to be caught in that hurdle
I work and work at mastering the far western tongue
I aspire to have a flowing converse, taking in your beautiful dialect
I constantly imagine crossing that conversational bridge
I see myself on thee side of the bridge
Holding you and dancing to the universal human language
Singing and dancing to the tune of love

I long for thee, my central sun
I embrace the grace of your land for harbouring ye love
I long for thee philosophical inspiration
I open up my tentacles to thee I embrace

Friday, 8 March 2013

Telling the story from my window: the Kenya 2013 General Elections

On Monday 4th March 2013, Kenyans went out to vote in large numbers. In an election registering the highest number of voters in Kenya's history, over 14 Million people registered as voters. Almost 12 Million turned out to vote in a contest that saw Kenyans assert their sovereignty, repeatedly call for peace and spend a week of numerous social media humour.

Last night, Kenyans stayed glued to their television screens, bearing calculators and keenly following the votes garnered by Hons. Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga vis a vis the total votes cast. The Constitution of Kenya gives two conditions to be satisfied before a person can be declared the President elect. First, the person must atleast garner a quarter of the votes cast in atleast half of all the Counties (Kenya has 47 Counties) and secondly, the person must have 50%+1(one) of the total votes cast in his favour. Uhuru Kenyatta had satisfied the first condition, Kenyans kept tally of every figure announced to determine whether he would satisfy the second condition. In an unbelievably nerve wrecking process, he managed 50.03%. Enough to Constitutionally get him through as the Fourth President of the Republic of Kenya. The official results however shall be announced by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) at 11am EAT, on the 9th of March 2013. 

At 3am this morning, I woke up to breaking News ":Mr. President". I had resigned myself to a run-off. However most Kenyans were expectant of a first round win  Most wished it. There is jubilation outside my window, vehicles hooting, vuvuzelas blowing, cars honking. I watch from my window, unable to record the occurrences of this day on camera. But resolute on documenting the same here.

I find it absolutely important to note the following about this election:

  1. Hon Uhuru Kenyatta and Hon Raila Odinga both put forth a strong campaign. They both got over 5 Million votes countrywide. Therefore, both had a respectful representation of the electorate.
  2. Kenyans waited patiently for the lengthy and tedious process to come to a close. IEBC took close to five days to complete the process. Kenyans had hoped the same would be over in a span of two days.
  3. Kenyans used social media to call for peace. It possibly should be noted down as the most successful social election peace campaign not just in Africa but around the world.
  4. Kenyans took their right to vote seriously, queuing for long hours under unbearably hot conditions. They came out in Millions.
  5. There was an interesting voting trend in areas expected to vote for political parties breaking the chain and voting for secure political choices such as Nyeri County Senate seat and Nairobi County's Gubernatorial seat.
  6. Sadly, not a single woman was elected Governor or Senator
  7. A 19 year old was elected County Representative in Eldama Ravine, making him the youngest elected member in Kenyan politics
  8. Following the release of an atrocious staged video of Kenyans arming for violence released by CNN and scores of other misleading and negative reporting by International Media, Kenyans came together to defend the honour of their country by dispelling irresponsible international reporting.
  9. The phrase "Tyranny of numbers" gained renewed visual significance in Kenya.
  10. 16 women were elected to the National Assembly. This is still a very low number
  11. The Teso and Maasai communities elected women to the National Assembly for the first time in Kenya's political history
  12. Kenyans in the diaspora (East African Community) voted for the very first time.
  13. This election had a total of eight presidential candidates, 7 male candidates and one female candidate
  14. It was largely a coalition election
  15. The Kenyan media exhibited a high level of responsible and professional broadcasting.
  16. Security surveillance was perhaps the largest government focus in this election
  17. Kenyans established their National and County Governments, setting in a devolved system of governance
  18. Kenyans called upon the contestants to raise any election grievances with the country's independent and competent judiciary showing institutional maturity since the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya 2010.
  19. Kenya became the first country in Africa to hold Presidential debates on key policy and political issues. A critical look at the presidential debates shows that there was a huge impact of the debate on the voting patterns. Mohammed Abdouba Dida, a Presidential candidate who Kenyans interacted with largely during the Presidential debates outwitted candidates who had been campaigning for close to a year.
  20. Kenyans for the first time elected the President and his running mate (who would eventually become the vice President), with the Governors also having running mates who would become deputy governors.
  21. The election itself comprised of six ballots each set in a different colour. The voting process took 4-5minutes per person on average.
Overall, this was an unprecedented election. This documentation is for posterity. Its a process my children should bear the privilege to follow from their mother's words. Written on the early morning of 9th March 2013 at Nairobi.

Thursday, 7 March 2013

Nairobi to Beijing: Building resilience and charting a Constitutional hope for Kenyan Women


This article is inspired by the dismal number of women elected in the Kenyan 2013 general elections. It is my hope that the next general elections will present a different outcome. All my love to the women of Kenya and happy International Women's Day.


The immediate Kenyan Parliament (10th Parliament) had 16 female members of parliament and 207 male members of parliament.  The total number of members of parliament was 213 with the Gatundu North seat being vacant. The 9th Parliament had 9 female members and 201 male members. The total number of members being 210. The 8th Parliament had only 4 elected female members and 12 nominated female members. The total number of female members of Parliament was 18 and the male members of parliament were 204.  The total number of members of parliament was 222.  This translated to 8.1% women representation.

Women constitute between 52% and 60% of the registered voters. Women representation in the political arena has been very poor since independence.  In 1963 there was no woman elected to Parliament. In 1969 two women were elected.  In 1974 six women were elected. In 1979 there were five elected female members of Parliament. In 1983 three women were elected and in 1988 two women were elected. In 1992 six women were elected.

This representation shows that indeed women have had a dismal representation in parliament since the year 1997. The 1992 elections represented a worse representation than the subsequent parliaments. This could have been one of the key factors taken into consideration during the drafting of the Constitution.  Though women form the majority to the voter population they lack adequate representation.  This has been due to their socialization into believing that only men should indulge in politics. Very few women have been elected to parliament over the years.

Over the years women who aspired for parliamentary positions as well as the Presidential positions have been discouraged from pursuing their political ambitions. Pendo Muninzwa indicates in her article “Kenya's General Elections, Women's Poor Performance” that “when a woman enters into politics she does not cease to be a woman. Her femininity remains and she has to be more diligent than a man in order to prove herself as an able leader”.

Despite there being a steady rise of female members of parliament in the three successive Parliaments, it is obvious that the number of male parliamentarians is constantly high and steady.

Female versus Male candidates and elected representatives

In 1992, out of 19 female candidates, 4 were elected. This compares to 940 male candidates, out of which 182 were elected. In 1997, there were 2497 male candidates out of which 204 were elected, compared to 50 female candidates out of which 4 were elected. In the year 2002, there were 44 female candidates, 10 were elected. This election saw a total number of 991 male candidates out of which 201 were elected. In the year 2007, there was an impressive increase to 269 female candidates out of which 16 were elected. Conversely, the country had 2278 male candidates and 207 of them were elected. I shall in the coming days issue a comprehensive analysis of the 2013 general elections and compare the figures.

These figures indicate that the more women candidates there are, such as in the 2007 General Elections, the more chance they stand of being elected. We must therefore place out women in electable positions, we must employ the politics of presence to favour women.

Another important point to note is that the number of male candidates vying in the year 2007 declined (as opposed to the steady increase in the number of male candidates over the years) because of the coalition formed to offset the 24 year KANU regime. In the same year, the number of women candidates declined from 50 to 44. This shows that coalitions and party mergers in Kenya have been disadvantageous to women. In most cases, the positions are handed out by political party leaders, hence the correlation between the decline of the number of male and female candidates.

Kenyan Political Parties and the electoral system (before the promulgation of the Constitution 2010) were structural barriers to women's political participation. The ballot box on its own without supportive mechanisms cannot be an efficient way of ensuring women’s presence in elective public bodies. The culture of accepting more women in politics does not yet exist in Kenya. This is evidenced by the dismal number of women candidates which translates to the number of those elected. We must reinforce the politics of presence to favour women. The start has already been set by the Constitution and guidelines given to ensure that women have an equal political participation footing. The onus as indicated by the Supreme Court of Kenya in Advisory Opinion number 2 of 2012 lies with the next Parliament. In my opinion, the key lies with political parties.

The gap between legal and factual quality in the area of power and decision-making is so wide that women’s interests and concerns are not adequately represented at policy levels and women cannot influence key decisions in social, economic and political areas that affect society as a whole. They lack the critical mass.  Ideally, the political parties should take the initiative in seeing to it that women emerge in substantial numbers onto the political landscape.  If the experience of other countries such as India, South Africa, Sweden and Spain is anything to go by, considerable voting advantage flows from fielding large numbers of women candidates.

International experience shows that both voluntary and obligatory methods have been used to correct the under-representation of women in decision-making structures. This has been our Kenyan experience. In South Africa the breakthrough came when the African National Congress adopted an internal statute requiring that 30% of its candidates for the National Assembly be women.  This figure has since been raised to 33.3%.  The adoption of Proportional Representation in the Constitution made it relatively easy to achieve this minimum proportion; after the party membership through their branch representatives had voted for all the candidates on the ANC lists, so that those with the most votes were at the top and those with the least at the bottom. Adjustments were made in the ranking to ensure that at least three out of every bloc of ten names on the list were those of women.  This resulted in a number of women moving up the lists in a manner which respected the ranking given to each of them by the branch representatives.

In India, the issue of women’s representation in public political life has been on the agenda for a number of years.  The result has been that the Constitution has required since 1992 that not less than one-third of all seats in every Panchayat (village assembly) and every Municipality be reserved for women.  Since 1998 a constitutional amendment requiring at least one-third of the total number of seats in the Lower House to be filled by women has been tabled before parliament.  Although all the major parties have agreed to it in principle, no consensus has been reached as to how the requirement of one-third is to be met and the Bill has not yet been passed.  It is particularly difficult where Members of Parliament are elected in single-member constituencies to establish that one Member in three be female. Various systems of rotation have accordingly been proposed.  Another problem has been how to ensure that women from communities referred to as backward communities and scheduled castes be included, as well as women from the group referred to as Anglo-Indian.

The equal participation of women and men in public life is one of the cornerstones of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1979 and in force since 1981. Article 7 of CEDAW provides: State parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country and in particular shall ensure to women, on equal terms to men, the right:

a)     To vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies;

b)     To participate in the formulation of government policy and the implementation thereof and to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government;

c)    To participate in non-government organizations and associations concerned with the public and political life of the country.

Article 81(2) (b) of the Kenyan Constitution provides that the electoral system shall comply with the principle that not more than two-thirds of the members of the elective pubic bodies shall be of the same gender. The Constitution however does not provide how this should conclusively be achieved. It provides for quotas. As we have seen, these quotas do not guarantee the realisation of this principle. Therefore, in terms of progressive realisation, the government should adopt policies, plans and programs with regard to achieving this principle as advised by the Supreme Court.


The social impact of increased women representation in Kenya

Women have been marginalised in the political sphere in Kenya and their role in contributing to national sustainable development ignored. Low representation of the women in the political arena means that the Kenyan Republic is under utilising its human resource base available for development. In addition, the little or non- participation of women in the decision making process translates to their perspectives being ignored. They lack the critical mass to advance important social and economic issues affecting women and children

The social impact of increased women representation in Kenya would, arguably, entail greater attention for the following agenda: childcare policy, family policy, gender equality, social policy, land rights policy, poverty alleviation policies, HIV/AIDS policy, sexual freedom policy, violence against women policies and many more policies

It must also be noted that there exists contrasting pictures of the effect of increased women's representation. As demonstrated by other countries, where women are present in 'critical mass' levels in national parliaments, (generally agreed to be about 30%) the policy agenda shifts. It is opined that this would be the same for the Kenyan parliament. Although it has been argued that there is little evidence so far to suggest that increased women's representation has altered policy outcomes to any significant degree. 

This notion must be dispelled by the Kenyan women parliamentarians when they meet the critical mass level. Although, it has been shown that gender policies have been greatly achieved in parliaments that have had a high number of women representatives in Parliament in Kenya such as the 9th and 10th Parliaments such as the Sexual Offences Act.

The 2013 General Elections

The 2013 General elections has revealed that 14 15 women have been elected as Constituency members (equivalent to the former MP’s in the old dispensation). The Constitutional provision to have 47 elected Women Representatives has also been realized. Sadly, Kenya has not elected a single female Governor or Senator. The dream of having a female Head of State remains as such, a dream. Kenyans must re-engineer their mindsets and accommodate the possibility of allowing women to hold important positions in government. The Supreme Court of Kenya ordered the next Parliament to ensure that the mechanisms required to ensure that not more than two thirds of members in elective positions are of the same gender is implemented on or before 27th August 2015. In the next elections therefore, Kenyans must elect women to key positions or risk the cost that comes with an expanded parliament should the two-thirds principle be fulfilled by way of nominations.

The Long Road: Taking stock of the gains by women since the 1st UN Women’s conference


An article dedicated to the commemoration of the International Women’s Day, 2013

Four world conferences on women's issues have been organised under the auspices of the United Nations. The first world conference on women took place in Mexico City in 1975 with the theme of equality, development and peace. The UN Women Decade followed thereafter (1975-1985). The second conference was held in Copenhagen in the year 1980 under the themes of education, health and employment. The third was held in Nairobi in 1985 culminating in the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies (NFLS) that called for equality, development and peace as a limelight for women’s progress. This one was meant to reaffirm the theme of the first conference and tally the gains of the gender decade. The fourth was in Beijing in the year 1995. This conference set the pace for the gender agenda following the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA) which brought forth 12 critical areas of concern: women and poverty, education and training of women, women and health, violence against women, women and armed conflict, women and the economy, women in power and decision, institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women, Human Rights and women, women and the media, women and the environment and finally, the Girl-Child. It is out of this conference that women's interests went full swing into policy and political agendas. Overall these conferences have been held to advance the state of women in all the continents. But the void of not having a fifth conference is hard to ignore, 17 years on, the world has refused to see the significance of a follow up to the Beijing conference!

The questions we ask on this significant day are; what are the gains for women since the last conference in Beijing? have we achieved the promises? what are the realities?

A practical approach to these questions no doubt presents hope. But it also presents heartbreak. Women are still a marginalised group in almost all societies. Women are still struggling to attain their proportionate representation in governments and politics. Women lack the critical mass in decision making. On the flip side, Scandinavian countries have devised a way to increase the number of women in politics and in government by use of quotas. Rwanda, setting the pace for all countries in the world has recorded the highest percentage of women in parliament. Indeed, it is the only country in the world where women are more than men in Parliament. The effect of this critical mass is evident in the milestones post-genocide Rwanda has made, economically, socially and politically. The gender agenda in Rwanda is past gaining momentum, the crystallization process has commenced and this is evident in women representation in parliament. For the rest of the world, it is safe to conclude that the tide is still high; we are counting the gains, but also dealing with the existing prejudices against women.

The commonality of gendered discrimination, difference, violence, inequality are matters not just of international but national justice. As long as women's interests are thrown to the periphery, they will continue to suffer injustices. The observance of this day is to affirm the need to continue with practical advocacy and relentless efforts nationally and internationally to ensure that the rights of women are upheld and that the gains made are not taken away. In order to achieve this, gender mainstreaming must be an ingredient of every policy paper and at the heart of every political and economic debate. Economic because, so long as women suffer the greatest effects of poverty, so long as they suffer economic malnutrition, the gendered disadvantages will slip deeper to their disadvantage.

Various legal instruments, most importantly, the Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was drafted and ratified by many countries in the year 1981, during the gender decade. This is one of the most significant legal gains since the first UN Conference on Women in Mexico City. Gender equality is more than a goal in itself. Quoting Dr. Jacinta Muteshi, “it is a precondition for meeting the challenge of reducing poverty, promoting sustainable development and building good governance”. 

The momentum for challenging women subordination is being felt world over. It is evident in the presence of well organised women organizations, women movements, organizations bearing the agenda of women advancement at the core of their mandate, international working groups, Constitutional revolutions, government policies and a keen youth, alive to the challenges of their past and the possibilities of their future. There can be no turning back for there still is a long way to go.

Happy International Women's Day!

Friday, 22 February 2013

I vote for health


A large crowd is gathered by the roadside. People have abandoned their businesses and are speaking in low tones while exchanging puzzled looks. I am not a fan of crowds like these so I decide to walk on, then I hear the screams of a woman. I make my way through the crowd and see a woman writhing in pain on the hard dusty floor pulling out her braided hair. I move closer and touch her temples and notice their unusual tenderness. I feel her forehead and realise that she has a fever. I ask the crowd to move back to allow air circulation and then ask for a wet cloth to control the temperature and  put her in a recovery position. By this time, several women drawn nearer. They ensure her head is properly tilted and cover her body for decency. I notice that now, the women start to touch her. When I got there, there was not a single person near or even touching her. Later, I assume it had something to do with the superstitions of seizures and panic attacks.

My heart bleeds because even so, I do not see it befitting any dignity to have her on the road like that. But she is heavy and any effort to have the women carry her causes more pain. Pesh and I call a friend to take her to Kenyatta National Hospital. There is unimaginable traffic and it takes 30 minutes for the vehicle to get there. In the meantime, I am concerned about her children and her family. So I ask of any relatives within the vicinity. I am pointed out to her husband, who to my utter shock is part of the crowd. Part of the people who could not touch his wife. I am concerned about their children. No child deserves to see their mother in this state. So I think of directing the children to my house to have some food. Luckily, they are staying with another relative in another area. I ask the husband of any pre-existing epilepsy conditions his wife may have. He tells me this incident is a first and says, “this person has shocked me” (hii mtu imenishangaza sana). I probe further, “when did she start complaining of a headache?” “this morning,” I am told. He then draws out some tablets she had obtained from a local chemist usually prescribed for disillusioned patients. I look at my watch, it is now 7:30pm. Josh arrives and we put her in the car and send them off to Kenyatta Hospital. I pray she survives the traffic. I ask her husband to hold her like a child and keep talking to her until they get to hospital. He seems uncomfortable with this. I take his mobile number and ask one of her female friends to go with them and she graciously accepts.  I walk home, replaying the evening incident in my mind. That is how people die, I think to myself. 

Poverty has made Kenyans afraid to seek medical help even when their bodies scream for medical attention. I imagine that maybe she started feeling unwell a few days earlier but downplayed it because of the need to continue earning a living and running her domestic chores. I imagine that her husband possibly brushed off his wife’s headache as a sign of fatigue. I am worried that she may die at casualty if she is not attended to immediately. I can only pray. She is admitted quite fast and put under strict observation. I call her husband who assures me that she is responding to treatment. I feel at ease.  

I discuss the incident with my housemate, Carol. We veer off into the aspect of health policies for Kenya. Vesh and I pick up on the topic later. Sometimes I think we make policies for Kenya in this friendship circle than any average Kenyan relation. I recently decided to document our policy discussions. We all agree that health is the policy priority for Kenya. The practical aspect of accessible and affordable healthcare is the missing link to our country’s prosperity. We take note of the ridiculous health policies being taunted by some presidential aspirants, of ensuring that women give birth for free. Kenya does not just need women to give birth for free, we also need proper pre-natal and post-natal healthcare, more referral hospitals, hospital diagnostic equipment, well remunerated medical personnel and a healthcare policy with disaster preparedness mainstreaming.  So no, I do not accept any political manifestos that have health as an afterthought, at the periphery, at the end of their documents or manifestos that declare health but not the practical ways to ensure that health becomes an actionable priority. 

I decide that among other things, I am peacefully voting for health.




Wednesday, 23 January 2013

Bleeding from the same wound: when ‘Never Again’ is a fatal option


I am writing this article out of a keen urge to keep pressing for peace, a strong urge to see tolerance and pride in the diversity of this country. I intended to use this blog for matters green, hence Green Background. But my spirit keeps pushing me to matters of this country. Patriotism, peace, politics, values, tolerance…I guess I stay true to my green orientation, with my strongest principle being peace and non violence. You may see me pull away from confrontational situations, shut down debates that sway towards intolerance, respectfully walk away from arguments that refuse to focus on the objectives, even after listening and trying hard to see someone’s pint of view. We all have diverse opinions that should be tolerated unless they call for the dehumanizing of the very nature of our being human. You may see me smile at the tone of insult. It’s all something that I consciously do, in the need to find peace. Human beings all strive to be good; they all have something magical inside of them. That magic is the state of being human. So I look for that humanity. Sometimes going to bed wondering why I did not respond when someone insulted me, wondering why I let myself be misunderstood. Then I meditate a practice I am striving to master. It gives me calm. I feel at peace again, and I remember why I walked away, shut down, smiled…and I am ready to do it again.

Ubuntu: “I am because you are”. Do we ever think of the profound and deep meaning of these words? Loosely translated, it could mean, ‘utu’ in Swahili, meaning the state of being humane or human if you like. The meaning of these interconnected words from two Bantu languages from the South and East of Africa should live within us. To remind us that we are all human and when we stare into each others eyes, we should see the same God, living inside each and every one of us,” I should recognize the God in you as you the one in me”. (Jacqueline Novogratz)

Kenya is approaching the 2013 March general elections with a lot of apprehension. We are all worried that there may be election violence. We know that we vowed “never again”. But never again cannot on its own, be enough. We have to do more than ‘never again’ and as it is, I do not think we are doing much to ensure that we remain intact as a nation post March 2013. It is sad to think about the possibility. It is more than sad; it is heartbreaking to imagine that we could go the inhumane way of 2007/2008. I have been reading stories from the genocide in Rwanda, stories of loss, displacement, pain and suffering. People reliving this 1994 nightmare 19 years gone. As I read, I recall the tough moments we had as a Nation in 2007/2008. Killing and displacing one another for power. Editing out each other and breaking the interconnectedness that we have as human beings. Exposing the weakest chain in our link and breaking the strongest one, diversity. I call it the paradox of similar strength and weakness. But it is the identity of the Kenyan state. 

When a careful and objective history about Kenya’s democratic growth and elections will be written, tribal clashes and disintegration will feature heavily. That history may forever remind Kenyans that their boundless love for their country may have saved this African giant from a possible and destructive civil war. I hope civil war shall not be part of that history for we cannot bear it. The surrounding countries relying on us to send our army to fight terrorism cannot bear it. The refugees who seek solace in the hands of our motherland cannot bear it. The international community working in Nairobi and loving the tropical friendly weather, beautiful beaches and affordable luxuries that they would otherwise not afford in their home countries cannot bear it. Men and women who have fallen in love with the Kenyan blood and found families raising children who bear the great diversity of cross oceanic citizenships, cannot bear it. Kenyans, who work hard to feed their families, who have built the economy of this country, who so passionately gave themselves to the governing of a new and progressive Constitution, setting the stage for indigenous jurisprudence and a new constitutional order, cannot bear it. A second displacement (appreciating the fact that displacement due to tribal clashes has been rife since 1992), a second mass and sexual assault, rape as a weapon of war, armed bandits, murder in cold blood, love turned guile , husband against wife, wife against husband, lover against lover, neighbours against each other. Kenya, we simply cannot afford to bleed from the same wound twice, for we would never heal. “Never again”, would not have meaning a second time. 

The post election violence of 2007/2008 may have driven this country towards an unprecedented state of togetherness; the passing of the Constitution of Kenya 2010. The general election of the year 2002 may actually have been the greatest form of togetherness as a people. We changed a 24 year regime that did not work for us as a country. We, the Kenyan people, did it. We can embrace this togetherness again. We have done it in politics and in policy. We have crossed the dual carriage way of politics and policy and we have found commonalities in both. Now is the time to focus on our humanity. On the things that unite us and shed those that divide us. We must focus on our unique state as a country. Embrace our divergent political choices with a nod of the head and a giving of the ear. We must listen to one another and accept the divergent political choices, for that is the definition of democracy. We must however never kill or maim, or assault, or vandalize for the exercise of these choices. Rather, we must learn to accept the will of the majority. Whatever the choice of the majority may be we must hold our heads high, adjust to the outcome of the general elections and together, as a nation forge forward. We are 50 years of age as an independent state; our youthful years as a country are behind us. We must be hard on ourselves and demand the best from ourselves, from each other. Indeed may we dwell in unity, peace and liberty and nature will hear us, and plenty shall be found within our borders. 

In the Constitution we passed, together, as a people, we included the NATIONAL VALUES AND PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNANCE thus; patriotism, national unity, sharing and devolution of power, the rule of law, democracy and participation of the people; human dignity, equity, social justice, inclusiveness, equality, human rights, non-discrimination and protection of the marginalised; good governance, integrity, transparency and accountability; and sustainable development. These are the values we chose to bind us to the state of our Kenyan citizenship. We must hold onto these values and principles for we are called by this sacred document to be these things. We must not abdicate our political duties. We must strive to ensure that we have the best, even if the best is recognized by our solitary selves. For from these principles we shall raise a generation of Kenyans who in the addition of their solitudes will forge an army of men and women dedicated to the progression and survival of their nation state.

We must not also lose sight of the gains we have made. Laying the ground for electoral justice is the new mantra of the Kenyan judiciary guaranteeing expeditious and fair hearing of all electoral disputes. We have an option for justice. We should not walk in fear, for those are things we shed with the blood in 2007/08. We decided to strengthen the institutions and started with the judiciary and we can all attest to the dedication and reform of our Kenyan judiciary, of its capacity to handle electoral disputes for by dint of the Constitution, it bears the sovereignty of the people and indeed, it is the only arm of government that has its two feet on the ground before the election and even after, until we have the other two firmly established, ready to preserve this sovereignty. With this in mind, quoting Winston Churchill in one of his greatest speeches; “I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do”.

Tuesday, 15 January 2013

For our mother’s sake


Live not beneath the illusion of the sun,
Behold the fullness of the moon, the uniformity of the night
Really?
I love the glare the sun sets upon my eyes,
For that glare is reproduced to illuminate my path in the night
What glare?
Do you mean the blindness set upon your eyes by your naked stare upon the sun
Do you mean the squinted look developed by looking too closely in the dark
Close, but not close enough…
For your identity, you do not know…mumbling…..
State/nationality…escapism!
Steer clear of that hard-burnt river,
Soaking the power of your eyes in a hot flame of deception
Flee that clear edged ridge,
Vast with no valleys within the reach of the strength of your eyes.
Did you say Oaria…did you say Karia…. did you say Makhia….
Do you mean these be your names
Which valley? which land? which food?
Maize?, fish? Sugarcane?
Give me the dark…give me a clue..for the blade of my metal..
That which soaks in the hard burnt river needs to glow
Stare, stare at the identity of your name,
At its valley of origin, the food of your ancestors, the trade of your people
No..that cannot be..it cannot be.
Undefined? Boundless?
You cannot be without root..
It cannot be that you say Kenya.
It cannot be
Where? Call your mother..no..she cannot know…
she should not know
Call your father..missing?
Call your grandfather…., freedom?
Anyone..ask your mother….. then
For we have no option but to ask..her…in order to know
Blind, but she stares at the sun and I see the boundless circle around her eyes
Dumb, but I see the smile on her lips
Paralysed, but with her shaky fingers she rounds a circle
Fullness, whole, complete, de-fragmented
I know,
The identity is Kenya.
One Nation, One People.
She sees me, she speaks to me, she feels me
I think her blind, I think her dumb, I think her paralysed
I am her blindness
I am her lost speech
I am her paralysis
But I stare, harder
I listen, harder
I feel, with my heart
I hear her voice, I see through her vision, I feel, through her touch
I know, I want nothing to do with that metal, soaked in the hard-burnt river
For my mother’s voice speaks, for her nerves feel, her ears hear
And I know, you are my brother, I can do you no harm
For our mother’s sake